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Radiogram (device)

In British English

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, a radiogram is piece of furniture that combined a radio and record player. The word radiogram is a portmanteau of radio and gramophone. The corresponding term in American English is console.

Radiograms reached their peak of popularity in the post-war era, supported by a rapidly growing interest in records. Originally they were made of polished wood to blend with the furniture of the 1930s, with many styled by the leading designers of the day. An expensive instrument of entertainment for the house, fitted with a larger loudspeaker than the domestic radio, the radiogram soon began to develop features such as the record autochanger, which would accept six or seven records and play them one after another. Certain recordings could be ordered as a box set which would combine the recorded piece in order, to suit an autochanger set-up. In the 1940s and 1950s, sales of the radiogram, coupled with the then-new F.M. waveband, and the advent of the 45 rpm single and the LP record, meant that many manufacturers considered the radiogram to be more important than the fledgling television set sales. Later models took on the modern lines, piano gloss finish and plastic and gilt trim of the 1960s. Stereogram versions became available to take advantage of stereo records.

As valve radio development ended in the late 1960s and transistors began to take over, radiograms started to become obsolete. By the late 1970s, they had been replaced by more compact equipment

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, such as the hi-fi and the music centre.[citation needed]

Since radiograms were manufactured in such huge numbers they are not as rare or valuable as TV sets or table radios from the same period. An exception to this are models from certain manufacturers which have become collectable such as Hacker Radio Ltd., Dynatron, Blaupunkt, Braun, and SABA.

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Dorsal cochlear nucleus

The dorsal cochlear nucleus (DCN, also known as the “tuberculum acusticum“), is a cortex-like structure on the dorso-lateral surface of the brainstem. Along with the ventral cochlear nucleus (VCN), it forms the cochlear nucleus (CN), where all auditory nerve fibers from the cochlea form their first synapses.

The DCN differs from the ventral portion of the CN as it not only projects to the central nucleus (a subdivision) of the inferior colliculus (CIC), but also receives efferent innervation from the auditory cortex safe drinking water bottle, superior olivary complex and the inferior colliculus. The cytoarchitecture and neurochemistry of the DCN is similar to that of the cerebellum, a concept that currently is important in theories of DCN function. Thus, the DCN is thought to be involved with more complex auditory processing, rather than merely transferring information.

The pyramidal cells or giant cells are a major cell grouping of the DCN. These cells are the target of two different input systems. The first system arises from the auditory nerve, and carries acoustic information. The second set of inputs is relayed through a set of small granule cells in the cochlear nucleus. There are also a great number of neighbouring cartwheel cells. The granule cells in turn are the target of a number of different inputs, including both those involved in auditory processing and, at least in lower mammals, somatosensory inputs associated with the head usa womens soccer t shirts, the ear

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, and the jaw.

Projections from DCN principal cells form the dorsal acoustic stria, which ultimately terminate in the CIC. This projection overlaps with that of the lateral superior olive (LSO) in a well-defined manner, where they form the primary excitatory input for ICC type O units

Principal cells in the DCN have very complex frequency intensity tuning curves. Classified as cochlear nucleus type IV cells, the firing rate may be very rapid in response to a low intensity sound at one frequency and then fall below the spontaneous rate with only a small increment in stimulus frequency or intensity. The firing rate may then increase with another increment in intensity or frequency. Type IV cells are excited by wide band noise, and particularly excited by a noise-notch stimulus directly below the cell’s best frequency (BF).

While the VCN bushy cells aid in the location of a sound stimulus on the horizontal axis via their inputs to the superior olivary complex, type IV cells may participate in localization of the sound stimulus on the vertical axis. The pinna selectively amplifies frequencies, resulting in reduced sound energy at specific frequencies in certain regions of space. The complicated firing patterns of type IV cells makes them especially suited to detecting these notches, and with the combined power of these two localization systems, an ordinary person can locate where a firework explodes without the use of their eyes.

Somatosensory inputs inhibit type IV cell activity, possibly silencing their activity during head and pinna movements. While this has not been studied extensively, it may play an important role in sound source localization in elevation. A similar effect is seen in the visual system in an effect known as change blindness.

Current auditory models of the DCN employ a two-inhibitor model. Type IV cells receive excitation directly from the auditory nerve, and are inhibited by type II (vertical) cells and a wide band inhibitor (onset-c cells).

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Laik Ali

Laik Ali (født 1903, død 1971) var en hyderabadsk forretningsmann og politiker. Han var leder i partiet Majlis-e-Ittihad-ul-Muslimeen, også kalt bare Ittihad, og Hyderabads statsminister fra desember 1947 til staten ble innlemmet i India med militærmakt i september 1948 large sports water bottle.

Ali var ingeniør og arbeidet i statsforvaltningen før han, med hjelp av Akbar Hydari, etablerte Hyderabad Construction Company. Han var også involvert i ledelsen av Deccan Airways, Singareni Collieries Company, Hyderabad State Bank, Nizam Sugar Factory og Hyderabad Roller Flour Mills.

Etter delingen av India, var Ali blitt Pakistans utsending til De forente nasjoner pro goalkeeper gloves. Han hadde støtte fra Muhammad Ali Jinnah da han 28. november 1947 ble utnevnt av nizam Osman Ali Khan til statsminister i Hyderabad

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. Ali ble statsminister i spissen for en muslimskdominert Ittihad-regjering på et tidspunkt da det var krise i forholdet mellom Hyderabad og India. Partene hadde blitt enig om en stillstandsavtale, men Hyderabad tok skritt i retning av uavhengighet, en politikk Ittihad var pådriver for football style shirt. Alis statsministerperiode var også preget av aktivitet fra den militante razakarorganisasjonen tilknyttet partiet Ittihad og ledet av Kasim Razvi. Som statsminister forsøkte Ali å få Hyderabads sak framlagt for FN. Situasjonen utviklet seg til at India i september 1948 invaderte Hyderabad.

Etter at India tok militær kontroll over Hyderabad, ble Laik Ali, sammen med resten av regjeringen, arrestert. I mars 1950 flyktet han fra husarrest og kom seg til Pakistan. Han ble formann for Hyderabad Trust som hadde til formål å bistå flyktninger fra Hyderabad.

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Commitment to Development Index

The Commitment to Development Index (CDI), published annually by the Center for Global Development, ranks the world’s richest countries on their dedication to policies that benefit the five billion people living in poorer nations. Rich and poor countries are linked in many ways; thus the Index looks beyond standard comparisons of foreign aid flows. It measures “development-friendliness” of 27 of the world’s richest countries, all member nations of the OECD’s Development Assistance Committee. The CDI assesses national effort in seven policy areas: aid, trade, investment, migration, environment, security, and technology. It is considered to be a numerical targeting indicator for Goal 8 of the Millennium Development Goals. It shows that aid is about more than quantity – quality also matters – and that development policy is about more than aid. The Index penalizes countries that give with one hand, for instance through aid or investment, but take away with the other, through trade barriers or pollution.

In 2015, the CDI ranked Denmark number one in the world, followed by Sweden, Norway, Finland and the Netherlands. South Korea and Japan finished at the bottom, partly because of high trade barriers and low levels of foreign aid.

The CDI is a flagship initiative of the Center for Global Development (CGD), a non-profit think-tank based in Washington, DC. CGD first published the Index in Foreign Policy magazine in 2003 with the aim of provoking discussion, highlighting gaps in current knowledge, and encouraging policy reform. The Index was published annually in conjunction with Foreign Policy through 2006, and since published by CGD alone. David Roodman, Senior Fellow at the Center for Global Development, is the chief architect of the Index with research and support from key collaborators for technical work on components. Although the formulas and analysis at the heart of the CDI remain the same, slight methodological changes occur every year and indicators are constantly updated. The CDI originally ranked 21 countries; South Korea was added in 2008 and five additional European countries were added in 2012: Czech Republic, Hungary, Luxembourg, Poland, and Slovakia. In 2008, regional CDIs were also published, assessing donor government policies and engagement to specific regions of the world such as sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America.

Foreign aid is the first component of the CDI, assessing both quantity as a percent of GDP and quality. The Index penalizes tied aid, which requires recipients to spend aid on products from the donor nation and raises project costs by 15 to 30 percent. Aid to poor, better-governed nations is also favored by the CDI

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. While aid to Equatorial Guinea—where corruption is more widespread and rule of law is weaker—is counted at 15¢ on the dollar, aid to Ghana—where poverty is high and governance relatively good—is counted at 94¢ on the dollar. Donors are penalized for overloading recipient governments with too many small aid projects, which burden recipient officials with hosting obligations and regular report filing. Finally, the Index rewards governments for letting taxpayers write off charitable contributions

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, since some of those contributions go to Oxfam, CARE, and other nonprofits working in developing countries.

International trade has been a force for economic development for centuries. Because rich-country players call most of the shots in this intensely political process, some goods that poor countries are best at producing, including crops, still face high barriers in rich countries. The trade component of the CDI penalizes countries for erecting barriers to imports of crops

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, clothing, and other goods from poor nations. It looks at two kinds of barriers: tariffs (taxes) on imports, and subsidies for domestic farmers, which stimulate overproduction and depress world prices.

Previously it was called the Investment. The CDI strives to reward rich countries that pursue policies that encourage investment and financial transparency that is good for development. It looks at two kinds of capital flows: foreign direct investment, which occurs when a company from one country buys a stake in an existing company or builds a factory in another country; and portfolio investment, which occurs when foreigners buy securities that are traded on open exchanges. The investment component is built on a checklist of twenty questions. Do the rich-country governments, for example, offer political risk insurance, encouraging companies to invest in poor countries whose political climate would otherwise be deemed too insecure? Do they have tax provisions or treaties to prevent overseas investors from being taxed both at home and in the investment country?

The CDI rewards migration of both skilled and unskilled people, though unskilled more so. It uses data on the gross inflow of migrants from developing countries in a recent year and the net increase in the number of unskilled migrant residents from developing countries during the 1990s. The CDI also uses indicators of openness to students from poor countries and aid for refugees and asylum seekers.

Rich countries use a disproportionate amount of scarce resources, and poor countries are most vulnerable to global warming and ecological deterioration. The environment component looks at what rich countries are doing to reduce their disproportionate use of the global commons. Countries do well if their greenhouse gas emissions are falling, if their gas taxes are high, if they do not subsidize the fishing industry, if they have a low fossil fuel rate per capita, and if they control imports of illegally cut tropical timber.

The security component of the CDI compares rich countries on military actions that affect developing countries. The CDI looks at four aspects of the security-development nexus. It tallies the financial and personnel contributions to peacekeeping operations and forcible humanitarian interventions, although it counts only operations approved by an international body such as the U.N. Security Council or NATO. It also rewards countries that base naval fleets where they can secure sea lanes, and for participating in international security regimes that promote non-proliferation, disarmament and international rule of law—such as the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), the Ottawa Convention on land mines, and the International Criminal Court (ICC). Finally, the CDI penalizes some exports of arms to nations, especially ones that are undemocratic and spend heavily on the military.

The technology component of the CDI analyses policies of the rich countries that support creation and dissemination of new technologies, which can profoundly shape life in developing countries. The CDI rewards polices that support the creation and dissemination of innovations of value to developing countries. It rewards government subsidies for research and development(R&D), whether delivered through spending or tax breaks, while discounting military R&D by half. Also factored in are policies on intellectual property rights (IPRs) that can inhibit the international flow of innovations. These take the form of patent laws that arguably go too far in advancing the interests of those who produce innovations at the expense of those who use them. U.S. trade negotiators, for example, have pushed for developing countries to agree never to force the immediate licensing of a patent even when it would serve a compelling public interest, as an HIV/AIDS drug might if produced by low-cost local manufacturers.

The CDI ranks 27 countries which are the richest, most developed countries in the world. Together, they constitute the majority membership of the OECD’s Development Assistance Committee which is the official organization of aid donors, along with one DAC observers (Hungary).

The CDI quantifies a range of rich-country policies in seven policy area. Scores on each component are scaled so that an average score in 2012 equals 5.0. A country’s final score is the average of those for each component. The CDI adjusts for size in order to compare how well countries are living up to their potential to help. Data for the CDI come from official sources such as the World Bank, the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, and the United Nations, or from academic researchers. CGD and its collaborators also collect information country by country for parts of the aid, migration and investment components. The 2012 technical paper and spreadsheet provide more detail.

CGD commissions background papers and research for most of the components. However, final design responsibility rests with CGD and the CDI does not necessarily represent the views of contributors.

• David Roodman, Senior Fellow, Center for Global Development (Chief Architect)

• Theodore Moran, Non-Resident Fellow, Center for Global Development (Investment)

• Kimberly Hamilton and Jeanne Batalova of the Migration Policy Institute (Migration)

• B. Lindsay Lowell and Victoria Carro of Georgetown University’s Institute for the Study of International Migration (Migration)

• Amy Cassara and Daniel Prager of the World Resources Institute (Environment)

• Michael O’Hanlon and Adriana Lins de Albuquerque of the Brookings Institution (Security)

• Jason Alderwick and Mark Stoker, formerly of the International Institute for Strategic Studies (Security)

• Keith E. Maskus of the University of Colorado at Boulder and Walter Park of American University (Technology)

The Commitment to Development Index has received much media attention over the years and has sparked criticism and discussion among a wide range of audiences. One of the most frequent comments, voiced by the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, questions the selection of the seven components

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. The ministry argues that several categories may be extraneous when measuring contributions to poverty reduction. The equal weighting of components in the Index is also questioned; the CDI fails to take into account different degrees of impact, thus assuming that foreign aid and migration have equal effects on development. To continue the conversation, David Roodman responded in a blog post to such comments. Experts have also written papers on how to improve the CDI and proposed similar measures.

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Andrew av Fløtum

* Senior club appearances and goals counted for the domestic league only and correct as of 13 November 2010.

Andrew av Fløtum (born on 13 June 1979) is a Faroese football striker Orange Runner Waist Pack, currently playing for Faroe Islands Premier League Football team HB Tórshavn.

He made his debut in Faroese football with HB Tórshavn as a midfielder in the 1996 season and later became a striker. In 2002 he became the league top goalscorer with 18 goals. After winning the player of the year award in 2003, he earned himself a move to Danish club Fremad Amager and spent 4 years in Denmark. He returned to HB in 2007.

Andrew av Fløtum made his debut for the Faroe Islands in a January 2001 friendly match against Sweden, coming on as a substitute for Uni Arge. He has collected 35 caps since, scoring 1 goal

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.

Besides playing football, Andrew works in a school for children with physical and mental disabilities. He is married and has three daughters.

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Sirventes

Il termine occitano sirventes o serventes (in occitano moderno sirventés, in lingua d’oil serventois, spesso italianizzato in sirventese o serventese) indica un genere della poesia lirica occitana, ovvero, della letteratura provenzale o trobadorica, dal punto di vista formale somigliante alla canzone (canzo in lingua d’oc). Si tratta di poemi di circostanza, spesso satirici, che possono trattare temi morali, politici o letterari.

Il termine sirventes (serventes o servantes) deriva dal provenzale sirvent, un mercenario al servizio di un signore feudale. Quindi l’intento originario di questo genere di composizione, fosse essa cantata dal menestrello o composta dal trovatore

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, era quello di lodare o criticare i signore a cui si prestava servizio.

Martín de Riquer, scrittore spagnolo ed esperto di filologia romanza, ha diviso il serventes in quattro categorie:

I sirventes di Peire Cardenal raffigurano la corruzione, l’orgoglio e la cupidità dei preti dell’epoca con un’energia spaventosa. Alcuni brani hanno acquisito l’importanza di veri e propri manifesti politici: erano, come li ha qualificati Villemain, « i documenti diplomatici del tempo ». Sparsi per i castelli, annunciavano ai signori le guerre imminenti, le rispettive lagnanze delle fazioni; incitavano alla crociata, favorendo inoltre fortemente le predicazioni religiose, diventando dei veri e propri canti di guerra, come le composizioni di uno dei maestri del sirventes politico, Bertran de Born, in cui la poesia affronta temi talvolta violenti come quando canta le gioie della guerra.

Queste composizioni, nelle quali vi è più violenza che energia, ci informano delle idee e dei costumi dell’epoca che le hanno prodotte, anche se dobbiamo stare attenti alle esagerazioni introdotte possibilmente dai risentimenti personali.

I sirventes non erano pertanto sempre satirici e comprendevano tutti gli argomenti che non appartenevano alle canzoni d’amore

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.

I trovieri hanno preso in prestito questo genere di composizione dai trovatori dandogli il nome di « serventois » in lingua d’oïl.

Nella lirica galiziano-portoghese, ha una funzione simile al sirventés la cosiddetta cantiga de escarnho y de mal dizer

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. Anche il decir della poesia castigliana del secolo XV si relaziona con il sirventes provenzale.

Il serventesio della metrica castigliana ha la sua origine nel sirventes provenzale, in quanto la combinazione ABAB era molto utilizzata nella letteratura trobadorica.

Il serventese, detto anche sirventese o sermentese, nella metrica italiana, è un componimento strofico sorto intorno al XIII e XIV secolo, che utilizza schemi e argomenti vari, anche se preferisce quelli a carattere didascalico e narrativo.

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